imperial spain: 1469‑1716

Imperial Spain 1469-1716 / John Huxtable Elliott Elliott, John Huxtable, 1930- (författare) London : Edward Arnold, 1963 Engelska 411 s. Bok; Ämnesord. All this helped gradually to give Isabella the advantage, as she herselfgratefully acknowledged. There must here have been a superiority that was more than merely technical, andperhaps it ultimately lay in the greater self-confidence of the civilization which produced theconquistadores. But some of these lands had been devastated by the advancing Christian armies, and manyothers had been alienated by the Nasrid kings in the fifteenth century, so that the benefit to the royalexchequer was negligible. The crisis of the 1590s 2. But the efficiency of the service increased as the reignwent on, and if it was not yet as professional as that of some of the Italian states, it was far superior tothe diplomatic services of the majority of Ferdinand's enemies and allies. Imperial Spain -1469-1716 was published by Bro. Find more similar flip PDFs like Imperial Spain -1469-1716. Here thedifficulties were both financial and political. It was (if I remember correctly) attributed to Henry Ward Beecher, but that had to be a bad joke. On the contrary, the strong mutual antipathy of Aragonese andCastilians made any prospect of union unattractive to both, and the Castilian royal favourite, DonÁlvaro de Luna, who was virtual master of the country from 1420 to 1453, could command thesupport of a Castilian nationalism which had been exacerbated by the intervention of the Infantes ofAragon in Castile's domestic affairs. The Castilian grandees rivalledthe great ecclesiastics as patrons, building themselves sumptuous palaces like that of the Duke ofInfantado at Guadalajara, with its superbly elaborate ornamentation. Alongside this geographical concept ofSpain there also existed in certain limited circles an historical concept deriving from the old RomanHispania; a vision of the time when Spain was not many provinces but two, Hispania Citerior andUlterior, united beneath the rule of Rome. This is the story that I attempted to provide inImperial Spain, and which I believe to be no less relevant today than it was when the book waspublished. Inthe late 1950s, some time after I had completed my doctoral dissertation on the origins of the revolt ofthe Catalans in 1640 and had been lecturing at Cambridge University on the history of sixteenth- andseventeenth-century Spain, I was approached by the publishers Edward Arnold, who asked me if Iwould be interested in writing a textbook based on my Cambridge lectures. Humanism, patronized by theCourt and popularized by the printing of classical texts, found enthusiastic adherents among theconversos and gradually gained acceptance in the universities of Castile. Her grandson, the Emperor Charles V, was to be firmlyestablished on the Spanish throne only in 1522. But short of an act ofprovidence – of which there had admittedly been a singular number in his lifetime – the prospectsappeared unfavourable. With inadequateresources to meet the threat on his own, his best hope seemed to lie in the assistance of Castile, andthis could best be secured by a matrimonial alliance. From 1508 the pattern of discovery began to change. At that time, Isabella the Catholic, Philip II and GeneralFranco were the figures of honour in the national pantheon, linked across the centuries in a greathistorical enterprise devoted to the perpetuation of a set of transcendental Spanish values. For Valencia the fifteenth century was something of a golden age, but forCatalonia it was characterized by a succession of disasters. With its long seaboard and its influential mercantile community it was well placed toembark on a quest for the gold, slaves, sugar, and spices, for all of which there was an expandingdemand. Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (9780713151237) J.H. The story of Spain's rise to greatness from its humble beginnings as one of the poorest and most marginal of European countries is a remarkable and dramatic one. One of the secrets of Castilian domination of the SpanishMonarchy in the sixteenth century was to be found in the triumph of its language and culture over thatof other parts of the peninsula and empire. Free PDF Imperial Spain: 1469-1716, by J. H. Elliott. Satisfactory as was the bloodless reacquisition of Rosselló and Cerdanya, Charles VIII's invasionof Italy represented a new, and more serious, threat to the Crown of Aragon. As a Genoese, settled in Portugal and then in southern Spain, he was a representative ofthe Mediterranean commercial tradition, which had begun to attract Castilians during the later MiddleAges. Hoping to dispossessIsabella, they were now rallying to the cause of Henry IV's alleged daughter, Juana la Beltraneja,whose claims toMap 2the throne had recently been set aside in favour of those of his sister, Isabella. (3) The pattern of society.9 Revival and Disaster (1) The reform programme. Assessment. During the seven months spent by the Court at Zaragoza, where the Cortesshowed themselves a good deal more obdurate than those of Valladolid, the highly unpopular GrandChancellor, Jean Sauvage, died, and was replaced by a much more cosmopolitan character,Mercurino Gattinara. Imperial Spain 1469-1716 - pocket, Engelska, 2002. Following the Second World War, the dominant force inEuropean historical writing was the French school of the Annales. The Collapse of Spanish Power Tables1. Neither Ferdinand nor Isabella, however, was by nature precipitate, and their marriage was theoutcome of arduously reached decisions, partly made for them, but which they ultimately made forthemselves. Francisco de Rojas, whoserved in Rome and elsewhere, was a hidalgo of moderate means; de Puebla was a low-bornconverso with legal training, and a former corregidor. In 1273 theCastilian Crown, in its search for new revenues, had united in a single organization the variousassociations of sheepowners, and conferred upon it important privileges in return for financialcontributions. There was, indeed, nothing to restrain them, foras yet the towns of north Castile were insufficiently developed to provide a bourgeoisie strongenough – as it was in the Crown of Aragon – to serve as an effective counterbalance to aristocraticambition. Hittades i boken – Sida 156New York : Grove Press , 1961 ; Morse , R.M. , Toward a theory of Spanish American government . ... 1963 ) Imperial Spain , 1469-1716 . ... Barcelona : Ariel ; Elliot , S.H. , Spain and its World , 1500-1700 , Selected Essays . Catalonia's contractual constitution had survived the upheaval, but it was leftto Ferdinand to get it working once again.4. Hittades i boken – Sida 112Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716. London: Penguin, 2002. Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand & Isabella. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975. Henry Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict. (3) The failure. Some remença peasants were relativelywealthy, others desperately poor, and the interests of the two groups ultimately proved incompatible.But all were united at the start in their determination to win their freedom from the ‘six evil customs’to which they were subjected, 7 and to obtain for themselves the abandoned farmsteads which theysaw all around them. Elliott., Imperial Spain 1469-1716 (London 1961; 2nd ed, 2002) 3. Assignments and Evaluation: Both were Castilians, who were, in fact, muchbetter represented in Ferdinand's foreign service than might have been expected in the light of theCrown of Aragon's much longer diplomatic tradition. The contest, however, was to be not two-sided but triangular, for themonarchy also was inextricably involved. Hittades i boken – Sida 218J. H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1964), 225– 227; John Lynch, Spain 1516–1598: From Nation State to World Empire (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 243–249; Richard E. Greenleaf, Zumárraga and the ... These same years of economic recession and collapse saw also a recrudescence of theagrarian conflicts, and a rapid sharpening of the divergence between the upper classes of Cataloniaand a King who, from his luxurious court in Naples, demanded more and more money for his imperialambitions. The Catalan achievement was prodigious.Between the late thirteenth and the late fourteenth centuries this nation of less than half a millioninhabitants conquered and organized an overseas empire, and established both at home and in itsMediterranean possessions a political system in which the conflicting necessities of liberty and orderwere uniquely harmonized. (6) The Faith militant and the Faith triumphant.7 ‘One Monarch, One Empire, and One Sword’ (I) King and Court. Boabdil was in practice toprove a vacillating and unreliable ally, but since he was periodically in need of Ferdinand'sassistance against his powerful relatives, he continued to maintain communications with theSpaniards, and this allowed Ferdinand to strengthen his contacts with the opponents of Mulay Hassanand El Zagal in the kingdom of Granada. The Union of the Crowns 1. Moorish Spain andMoorish North Africa, for so long a unified civilization, had now found themselves suddenly andartificially divided. Even an expedition entirely organized andfinanced under private auspices, however, was still dependent on the Crown for its legal authority.Here again the Reconquista provided a useful precedent. The failure 4. Consequently, Ihave devoted little space to Spanish foreign policy, preferring to reserve it for less well-knownaspects of the history of the age. The Reconquista completed 2. The faction struggles 3. In those first campaigns, the Castilian nobleconfirmed to his own entire satisfaction that true wealth consisted essentially of booty and land.Moreover, his highest admiration came to be reserved for the military virtues of courage and honour.In this way was established the concept of the perfect hidalgo, as a man who lived for war, whocould do the impossible through sheer physical courage and a constant effort of the will, whoconducted his relations with others according to a strictly regulated code of honour, and whoreserved his respect for the man who had won riches by force of arms rather than by the sweat ofmanual labour. Borrowing both from the Swiss and theItalians, Gonzalo managed to revolutionize his army by the time of his triumphant battle of Cerignolain 1503, turning it essentially into an infantry army. What more natural thanthat the mysterious world of America should provide the scene for their enactment? The strength of themayorazgo system – the system of entail – in Castile did, however, provide a strong incentive foremigration by younger sons of aristocratic and gentry houses, who hoped to find in the New World thefortune denied them at home. It is this, above all, which distinguishes the Spain ofFerdinand and Isabella from that of Philip II. Those of Aragon consisted of four chambers, the aristocratic estate beingdivided into two – the ricos-hombres and the caballeros. The new overseas expansion of the fifteenth centurywas of itself no indication of prosperity or stability at home. Alfonso of Portugal was a widower, much older than herself,and quite without the many personal attractions generally ascribed to Ferdinand. This module is assessed as follows: Essay (20%) Presentation (15%) Book review (15%) Examination (50%) Reading Introductory Reading. In medieval Castile there had been essentially two types of lordship. Likethe Roman civitas and the Castilian commune, their jurisdiction extended far into the surroundingcountry, and the cabildos or town councils were immensely powerful bodies, whose independencegave the municipalities some of the character of city states. This edition was published in 1964 by St. Martin's Press in New York. It was greed, cupidity, the thirst for power and famethat drove forward a Pizarro or a Cortés. The Aragonese Cortes were also unique in that,at least theoretically, unanimity was required in each estate. Its outcome was likely to determine the whole future political orientation ofSpain. It has been arguedthat the new line of Castilian kings neither understood nor sympathized with the political ideals andinstitutions of the Catalans. The Cardinal ruled Castile with all the authoritarianism of the humble clericelevated to a high secular command, but nothing less could have saved the country from anarchy.Even if death opportunely removed the Great Captain and the Duke of Nájera, there were still manydangerous nobles whose feuds and ambitions were a constant threat to public order. There was no irrefutable economic or historical argument tobring the two Crowns together. While the conquistadores possessed an important advantage in the superiority of their weapons, itis in their personal characteristics that the secret of their triumph finally lies. De som k�pt den h�r boken har ofta ocks� k�pt His departure,which (as was intended) deprived the grandees of a potential figurehead and the populace of asymbol, merely increased the discontents of a disaffected nation. It is hardly surprising that this terrible drop inpopulation, sharper than that experienced by Aragon or Valencia, dislocated the Principality'seconomic life and drastically affected its ability to adjust itself to the changed economic conditions ofa plague-stricken world. In the customary manner,Ferdinand had sealed his alliances with dynastic marriages. This militia of some 30,000 well-equipped men was a kind of standing army, and offered aforetaste of arbitrary power that was by no means to the liking of nobles or towns. Imperial Spain 作者 : J. H. Elliott 出版社: Penguin Books 副标题: 1469-1716 出版年: 2002-9-24 页数: 448 定价: USD 18.00 装帧: Paperback ISBN: 9780141007038 When Columbus set sail in August 1492 with his three ships and his crew of eighty-eight, he wastherefore the legatee of several different, and sometimes conflicting, traditions. In this confederation of semi-autonomous provinces, monarchical authority wasrepresented by a figure who was to play a vital part in the life of the future Spanish Empire. This would be a natural sequel to the conquest ofGranada, and one for which the times seemed especially propitious. (5) The second rebellion of the Alpujarras (1568– 70). The triumvirate's immediate task was to ensure the preservation of public order and toconsolidate the Crown's hold over the conquered kingdom. In the process they wereinevitably modified, and sometimes changed beyond recognition, but even the most distorted formscan shed unexpected light on the originals that inspire them. J. H. Elliott T he schoolchild described a net as a lot of holes tied together with string, and Spanish history might be called a … The language of the greatest work produced in the Castile of theCatholic Kings, the Celestina of the converso Fernando de Rojas, is at once vigorous, flexible, andauthoritative: a language that was indeed ‘the perfect instrument of empire’. As the original homeland of the Catalans, they wereconsidered as integral a part of the dominions of the kings of Spain as the kingdom of Granada, andtheir recovery was a prime object of Ferdinand's policy. Hittades i bokendissertation, which was eventually published in 1963 under the title The Revolt of the Catalans, but also through Imperial Spain, 1469— 1716, a book which I published in the same yearQ This arose out of the first set of lectures I ... As each region concentrates on its own past,‘Spanish history’ itself is increasingly fragmenting into a series of national and regional histories.This has greatly deepened our local knowledge, but its general tendency seems to me in somerespects as unfortunate as the Francoist identification of the history of Spain with the history of theSpanish state. It was atthis moment that Boabdil, never very happy in his timing, tore up his agreement with the CatholicKings, and proclaimed his determination to fight for the remnant of his kingdom, now reduced to littlemore than the city of Granada. Share to Reddit. Even more important, the Castilian Cortes, unlikethose of the Crown of Aragon, failed to obtain a share in the legislating power. Stäng . Barcelona. Physical Features2. It was less wastefulof manpower than the Swiss system, had greater fire-power, and was superb in defence, sinceattacking cavalry would break on the phalanx of pikes, which was deep enough to face an attack fromevery side. In many respects the Iberian peninsula was the region of Europe best equipped foroverseas expansion at the end of the fifteenth century. Conquest 5. Crops had been burnt, properties confiscated, workers and capital had fled thecountry. Hittades i boken – Sida 164The Art and Craft of Dying in Sixteenth - Century Spain ( Cambridge : CUP , 1995 ) . Elliott , J.H. , Imperial Spain 1469–1716 ( London : Edward Arnold , 1963 ) . Spanish edition La España imperial : 1469–1716 , trans . Book fans, when you require an extra book to review, locate guide Imperial Spain: 1469-1716, By J. H. Elliott right here. (4) Conquest. But the beginning of the occupation of the North African coast in 1509–10 onlyserved to sharpen the differences between Ferdinand and Cisneros, and to reveal the existence of twoirreconcilable African policies. Hittades i boken – Sida 104Their imperial policy was fundamental to the creation of the enormous Empire that their grandson Charles V and his descendants would rule. ... 44 Elliot, Imperial Spain 1469–1716, 170–181. 45 Oliveira e Costa, “A posse do mar oceano,” ... The crippling of Catalonia inevitably had profound and lasting consequences for the entire Crownof Aragon. Like a commander inthe Reconquista he had made a private contract with the Crown for very considerable rights over thenew lands that he was to win for it. Like this book? Find many great new & used options and get the best deals for Imperial Spain: 1469-1716 at the best online prices at eBay! The men chosen tooccupy them, like Dr Rodrigo de Puebla, the ambassador in London, were men of considerableability, drawn from the same legally or clerically trained professional class which providedFerdinand and Isabella with their councillors, judges, and administrators. The Union of the Crowns 1. A regency council was setup under the presidency of Archbishop Cisneros, but in face of the growing public disorder inCastile, Cisneros and others appealed to Ferdinand to return. Nor is this a very favourable moment for such an enterprise. Why did Spain's American empire collapse in the first decades of the nineteenth century? But if he thought that his long association with Castile hadfinally ended, he was soon proved wrong. The Union was therefore a union of essentially dissimilar partners,.and – still more important – of partners markedly divergent in size and strength. But progress was slow, and itwas not until 1479 that all Castile was at last brought under Isabella's control. The "new monarchy" 2. The enormous extent of the territory and the difficulties inherent in cultivating great expansesof arid land forced him to divide it into large blocs and to distribute it among the Military Orders, theChurch, and the nobles. But during the fourteenth century and much ofthe fifteenth the full extent of the transformation which was being wrought in Castilian life by theEuropean demand for wool was partially hidden by the more obviously dramatic transformationseffected by the ravages of plague and war. The famous heiress Leonor de Alburquerque, known as the rica hembra (the richwoman), could travel all the breadth of Castile, from Aragon to Portugal, without once setting footoutside her own estates. The old King was careful to bide histime. Here was an abundance of strange happenings and heroic actions. But private enterprise operated alongside the State. AEuropean coalition was needed to check the advance of Charles VIII; and the achievement of thiscoalition in 1495 in the shape of a Holy League between England, Spain, the Empire, and the Papacy,was one of the greatest triumphs of Ferdinand's foreign policy. The conquistador, hungry for fame and riches, and supremelyconfident of his capacity to obtain them, stood on the threshold of a fatalist world resigned to self-surrender; and in the sign of the cross he conquered it.5. Barcelona, the birthplace of the Llibre delConsolat, the famous maritime code which regulated the trade of the Mediterranean world, was theheart of a commercial system which reached as far as the Levant. Thepolicies of dynasty and merchants no longer coincided, and this itself represented a tragic deviationfrom the traditions of the past. ORIGINS OF THE UNIONON the morning of 19 October 1469 Ferdinand, King of Sicily and heir to the throne of Aragon, andIsabella, the heiress of Castile, were married at a private residence in Valladolid. It brought the Castilians intocloser contact with the outer world, and particularly with Flanders, the most important market fortheir wools. WhenImperial Spain appeared in a Spanish edition in 1965, therefore, its appearance caused something ofa sensation. Imperial Spain 1469-1716 de Elliott, J. y una gran selección de libros, arte y artículos de colección disponible en Iberlibro.com. The ancient units, the companies, too small for modernwarfare, were now grouped into coronelías of perhaps four companies, each coronelía beingsupported by cavalry and artillery. The "new monarchy" 2. They also did everythingpossible to induce the more influential Granadine Moors to leave the kingdom. Here were the first steps towards the European involvement of Castile, andtowards that diplomatic isolation of France – later to be reinforced by a series of dynastic marriages– which was to be the permanent theme of Ferdinand's foreign policy. The Basques, with the experience ofAtlantic deep-sea fishing behind them, were skilled pilots and ship-builders. Find more similar flip PDFs like Imperial Spain -1469-1716. Ferdinand's second marriage merely strengthened the ties between the grandees and the ArchdukePhilip, who had now decided to make the journey to Spain. Thekingdom of Navarre possessed, and was allowed to retain, its own customs, coinage, and institutions,including a Cortes and a Diputació. This ideal of hidalguía was essentially aristocratic, but circumstances conspired todiffuse it throughout Castilian society, for the very character of the Reconquista as a southwardsmigration in the wake of the conquering armies encouraged a popular contempt for sedentary life andfixed wealth, and thus imbued the populace with ideals similar to those of the aristocracy. Penguin Books, London 2002, ISBN 0-14-100703-6. This concept of the old Hispania was particularly dear tothe little humanist group gathered round the imposing person of Cardinal Margarit, Chancellor ofFerdinand's father, John II of Aragon, in his later years. Strong pressure was certainly brought to bear on thePrincess to choose the Aragonese match. THE DECLINE OF THE CROWN OF ARAGONThe unexpected eclipse of the Crown of Aragon during the fifteenth century was largely the result ofthe eclipse of Catalonia. Vi klimatkompenserar alla Yet, in the last years of the fifteenth century andthe opening years of the sixteenth, it seemed suddenly, and even miraculously, to have beenovercome. John Elliott: Imperial Spain (1469–1716). The diplomatic involvement of Castile in the affairs of western Europe, which was to culminate sounexpectedly in the placing of a foreign dynasty on the Castilian throne, was the work of Ferdinand,inspired in the first instance by the interests of Aragon. The King lookedupon the crusade primarily as a useful pretext for extracting money from his subjects under papalauspices, and the real crusading zeal was found not at Court but among the ordinary Castilians, whohad to be restrained in 1464 from leaving the country in large numbers to join in a crusade against theTurk. In practice, the Crown benefited surprisingly little from the spoils of victory. The Infante Juan, the only son of the Catholic Kings and heir to the Spanish throne,married Margaret, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, while their daughter Juana marriedMaximilian's son, the Archduke Philip. This final act of treachery by the King of Granada served only as aspur to Ferdinand and Isabella to finish for once and all with the Nasrid kingdom. Since the 1960s there has been a transformation in our knowledge and understanding of the historyof Habsburg Spain. In Andalusia, Ferdinand III handedover vast areas of the newly recovered territory to the Castilian nobles who had assisted him in hiscrusade. It contains, however,not a word on witchcraft, and although it seeks to analyse aspects of collective consciousness,especially in relation to the problem of decline, it obviously falls short of what is now expected byreaders who have grown accustomed to the reconstruction of mentalités by the new cultural history,and to the granting of a privileged insight into private worlds through micro-historical studies. Empire and Absolutism, 1516-1598 In the Union of theCrowns, youth and experience walked hand in hand. Splendour and Misery 1. Taking in rebellions, religious conflict and financial disaster, Elliott's masterly social and economic analysis studies the various factors that precipitated the end of an empire.Imperial Spain 1469 … Filippo III di Spagna (in spagnolo Felipe III; Madrid, 14 aprile 1578 – Madrid, 31 marzo 1621), noto anche come Filippo il Pio (Felipe el Piadoso) fu il terzo re di Spagna e il diciannovesimo re del Portogallo e Algarve come Filippo II (in portoghese: Filipe II) dal 1598 fino alla sua morte. 3 Del Vigo Gutiérrez, A., Economía y ética en el siglo XVI. The Imperial Destiny 1. Spain was caught up in European events of the Napoleonic era that led to its loss of empire in Spanish America. Since the mass of the population had little alternative butto stay, this meant that, from the publication in February 1502 of a pragmatic ordering the expulsion ofall unconverted adult Moors, the Moorish population of Granada became automatically ‘Christian’. They came from poor families and a poor land, members of a society acclimatized to thewinning of wealth by the waging of war. This particular project wasunsuccessful, but a new opportunity shortly arose to acquire the counties, and this time withoutbloodshed. The terms of surrender were extremely liberal. It seems probable that thesecontracts inspired the document known as the capitulación, which later became the customary form ofagreement between the Spanish Crown and the conquistadores of America. There were some variations in the character ofthe individual Cortes. Its officials controlled the Principality's entire system of taxation, and wereresponsible for paying the Crown the subsidies voted by the Corts. The Union of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon2. The purpose of capitulaciones was to reserve certain rights to the Crown in newly conqueredterritories, while also guaranteeing to the leader of the expedition due mercedes or rewards for hisservices. From about 1350 there are signs of arapidly increasing investment in annuities and land at the expense of trade. THE OPEN SOCIETYThe reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was called by Prescott ‘the most glorious epoch in the annals’ ofSpain. Columbus had discovered the ‘Indies’. But the Castilians also had acquired their own commercial and maritime experience, especiallyduring the past two centuries. A successful voyage would bring Spain intocontact with the nations of the East, whose help was needed in the struggle with the Turk. from $7.92 (as of 02/25/2013 03:17 PST) Portugal. Check Pages 1 - 50 of Imperial Spain -1469-1716 in the flip PDF version. Spain was France's ally, but it had tried to avoid being drawn directly into the ongoing conflict between Napoleon's France and Britain. Similarly, a vast amount of research has been done on the Inquisition, and on important aspects ofthe religious history of Counter-Reformation Spain. The discovery of the NewWorld also marked the opening of a new phase – the great epoch of overseas colonization – but at thesame time it was a natural culmination of a dynamic and expansionist period in Castilian historywhich had begun long before. The open society 4. New Spain was a viceroyalty or an overseas colony that was a part of Imperial Spain. The occupational hazard of all historians is to be overtaken by the passage of time. AbeBooks.com: Imperial Spain: 1469-1716 (9780141007038) by Elliott, J. H. and a great selection of similar New, Used and Collectible Books available now at great prices. As fresh discoveries were made, and the prospects of finding gold grew brighterwith each new traveller's tale, the settlers were anxious to be up and away. While hepersuaded the Cortes of Toro in January 1505 to ratify his title to the regency, his position wasbecoming increasingly insecure and would be untenable if ever Philip and Juana set foot on Castiliansoil. The Iberian Peninsula. Hittades i boken – Sida 293Those territories and their inhabitants were governed from Spain, often by Spaniards, in accordance with policy ... 7 See J. H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (London: Edward Arnold, 1963); J. H. Parry, The Spanish seaborne empire ... In 1999 he won the BalzanPrize for History, 1500–1800, and he is currently working on a comparison of British and Spanishcolonization in America.J.H.

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